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The failure of the progressive left to mobilize working-class voters

This opinion piece titled El fallo de la izquierda progresista para movilizar a los votantes de clase trabajadora was originally published in Spanish on June 8th on Publico.es. The article, coauthored by Isabelle Anguelovski (ICTA-UAB, BCNUEJ) and Margarita Triguero-Mas (UOC-ISGlobal), Antonio López Gay (UAB-CED) and Nacho Sánchez Valdivia (UOC-ISGlobal), discusses the need to support progressive parties that ensure policies in favor of equitable climate adaptation and healthy cities.

Below is the article translated into English.

Without a doubt, the municipal elections on May 28th have been a bitter downpour for the (self-proclaimed) progressive life in Barcelona (and beyond): Barcelona en Comú (BeC) and Esquerra Republicana (ERC). On paper and at the city level, Ada Colau and Ernest Maragall had similar programs for their city model, emphasizing sustainable, accessible, and active mobility policies, and addressing the challenges of climate change. They shared six out of seven criteria, including the connection of the tram and the possibility of an urban toll.

However, a comparative analysis of results by census section in Barcelona reveals that they are also the candidates who have lost the most votes in census sections where, in the last elections, they had achieved a higher proportion of working-class votes, especially in Nou Barris, Horta-Guinardó, and Sant Martí for BeC, and in middle-class census sections for ERC (mostly in the Eixample and Gràcia districts). Furthermore, the participation gap continues to widen between the neighborhoods with higher and lower incomes in the city.

While in 2015 there was a 10.9 percentage point higher turnout in Sarrià-Sant Gervasi compared to Nou Barris, and that difference widened to 14.9 points in 2019, it has reached 18.4 percentage points in 2023.

In summary, in these last elections, both ERC and BeC have had difficulties mobilizing the electorate in the city’s lower-income neighborhoods to support their progressive policies.

In addition, Ada Colau has been a victim of the “everyone against-Colau” effect (already widely commented) and has not been able to move beyond discussions about security or cleanliness, driven by the media agenda set by the elites.

However, on the other hand, the percentage of votes increased in some middle-class sections, such as the Eixample district. The right-wing as a whole did not win the elections in Barcelona, but it mobilized its electorate in the upscale areas of Barcelona, such as Sarrià-Sant Gervasi or Pedralbes (where some census sections gave Trias 49.5% of their votes); it attracted the votes of many middle-class neighborhoods in the city, and also managed to gain some support from working-class neighborhoods. For example, Vox has gained support in working-class neighborhoods such as Canyelles, Roquetes, and Torre Baró, where BeC has declined compared to 2019.

Focusing on BeC, in terms of political communication, Ada Colau’s program has resonated more with the middle class than with the popular political strongholds that helped them win in 2015. The campaign ad, no matter how progressive, feminist, and green it may have been, did not resonate in neighborhoods such as Besòs i el Maresme, la Trinitat Vella, Baró de Viver, or Roquetes, where they lost up to 5 or 10 percentage points. Sustainable mobility, as symbolized by the green axes and bicycles, seems far from the daily concerns of the working people in these neighborhoods, who usually have longer commutes than the majority of the population, as we pointed out in a recent article. In fact, working-class neighborhoods were particularly affected during the Covid-19 pandemic due to their mobility needs, as confirmed by other research.

Beyond mobility, the voting population of foreign origin (leaving for another occasion the necessary debate about the growing portion of the population that cannot vote) in popular neighborhoods does not seem to have recognized themselves sufficiently in BeC, and probably even less in the discourse of ERC. The argument of “Barcelona obre camí” (“Barcelona paves the way forward”) did not resonate with residents of lower socioeconomic neighborhoods or with second-generation immigrant populations because their most pressing needs do not include the city being a “global reference” or the implementation of Superblocks, but rather a city where they can live with dignity, without the risk of exclusion or eviction, or losing their jobs. However, it is true that these residents also need better access to pedestrianized green spaces and climate shelters, particularly for the mental and physical health benefits, as recent studies have indicated.

As scientists concerned about the advancement of the environmental and social crisis, we must ask ourselves: Why do mass media outlets not dedicate at least a specific section to the voice of science? The answer is clear: We do not serve the political interests of the majority of parties, especially the more conservative ones. Moreover, if we consider from the perspective of urban and environmental planning studies, it is essential to prioritize placing health at the center of public policies and campaigns. So why did science not speak more about the Pla de Barris (Neighborhood Plan) and its investments in the peripheral neighborhoods of Barcelona? And why did this plan not become a central axis of the electoral campaign?

Barcelona en Comú could have defended with much more strength the public investment made in the last eight years (300 million euros) in public space and accessibility, economic development, social economy, or housing rehabilitation in the city’s most needy neighborhoods and their positive impact, for example, on mental health. Or why was the importance of expanding the green axes throughout Barcelona not emphasized until the last weeks of the campaign? Much more could have been gained by leveraging the (not yet forgotten) pandemic to highlight the importance of the right to quality health care (including dental health) for all individuals or the right to be cared for and to care for others.

From the perspective of environmental health (or planetary health, as we advocate now), we have a duty to start with equity and environmental and climate justice in vulnerable neighborhoods, to widely communicate the impacts of climate change on their workers, especially those in the tourism and service sectors. Additionally, the most underprivileged neighborhoods often have housing that lacks good ventilation or insulation, and their public squares tend to be heat islands of concrete, which hinders adaptation and mitigation to climate change.

As scientists, we need to increase the time and money we invest in accessible and diverse communication to make our voices heard and have a greater impact on public policies, and to help people understand the intersectionality of various socio-environmental issues. It is crucial to continue working so that the population, especially the working class, defends the idea that material well-being and prosperity cannot be separated from a protected environment that also protects them. We, as scientists, must dedicate more effort and time to ensure that environmental health becomes a unifying topic in society instead of creating divisions based on social class, as is happening currently with the interpretation of programs such as Superblocks or the Low Emission Zone. Especially because after experiencing the high temperatures of the summer of 2022, it seems unlikely that any resident in Spanish cities could have doubts about how climate change is already affecting us.

Politically, at this crucial moment in the face of the environmental crisis, it is essential to achieve progressive alliances in Barcelona and other cities that continue and enhance adaptation and mitigation policies for climate change based on environmental justice and respond to the risks of climate gentrification, as we refer to it in research. Similarly, the elections on July 23rd are a new opportunity (and obligation) for the transformative left to learn from the mistakes of the May 28th elections and ensure that their programs and discourses appeal to the working classes. They cannot forget that the effects of the climate emergency are felt particularly among the population with fewer resources.

With the rise of the right-wing and the increasing polarization in society, it is crucial for progressive parties to work towards unity and develop strategies that address the concerns of all citizens, regardless of their socioeconomic background. The challenges we face, such as climate change and social inequality, require collective efforts and inclusive policies. By actively engaging with the diverse voices in society and effectively communicating the importance of environmental health and social justice, progressive parties can build a stronger foundation for change and mobilize support from a broad range of constituents.

Isabelle Anguelovski

Author Isabelle Anguelovski

Isabelle is Director of BCNUEJ, an ICREA Research Professor, a Senior Researcher and Principal Investigator at ICTA and coordinator of the research group Healthy Cities and Environmental Justice at IMIM.

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